Most Violent Tornado & Lightning & Thomas Bullitt in it
George Washington is no longer their leader. Fort Duquesne is no longer their target. But Violence is popping in May and June 1759. The men of the Virginia Regiment are getting hit. Thomas Bullitt's men are attacked in May near Fort Ligonier. Waggener's men are attacked near the new Fort Pitt in June. Because of Indian threat around Fort Cumberland, Colonel Byrd informs the Virginia Executive Council he is sending Capt McKenzie with 50 men.
And yes, the inevitable court martial follows many of these skirmishes.
Accusations and criticisms follow every action. Just as it still is today.
Same as it ever was. Same as it ever was, quoth the Talking Heads.
The Attack on Bullitt
About 3 or 4 miles near Fort Ligonier prior to 23 May 1759
Prior to this May 1759 attack, Croghan and Alexander Mckee in April 1759 "escorted 28 horses laden with Indian goods and military supplies from Carlisle to Fort Pitt. They and their cargo arrived safely at the British garrison [mostly just Virginia Regiment and other provincials] on June 18, [1759]." Source: page 31, A Man of Distinction among Them, Alexander McKee and the Ohio Country Frontier 1754-1799, authored by Larry L Nelson.
The attack in May 1759 on Bullitt is told by Founders Online footnote 8 in the letter George Mercer writes to GW 16 Sept 1759:
this happen’d about three in the Afternoon at a Time when the most violent Tornado of Rain Thunder & Lightning that I ever experiencd”
"17 only surviving out of Thirty"
Right after the event, Lt. Col. Thomas Lloyd wrote General Stanwix from Fort Ligonier (Loyalhanna) on 23 May [1759]:
“Captain Bullet
on his March
from Bedford [Pa.]
with a Convoy
of Fifteen Waggons
and Fifteen Thousand Weight of Pork,
his Party
consisting off one Hundred Virginians
was this Day
defeated within Four Miles of Ligonier
by a Party off the Enemy. . . .
Five of the Waggons (Four of them off Pork) were burn’t
all the Horses kiled or taken. . . .
this happen’d about three in the Afternoon at a Time when the most violent Tornado of Rain Thunder & Lightning that I ever experiencd” (ibid., 309–11).
Bullitt estimated
that there were
150 Indians in the attack,
and Lloyd reported
that Lt. Larkin Chew of the Virginians
[his brother, Colby Chew,
died in Sept 1758
at Grant's Defeat near Fort Duquesne
as part of the Forbes Expedition ]
was badly wounded in the arm
and that 36 soldiers were missing,
8 of whom were found dead
on the field.
On 25 May, Lloyd wrote from Ligonier giving further details to Stanwix:
“Capt Bullet was attackd by the Enemy at about 3 Miles Distance from this Place. [Fort Ligonier]
I orderd Capt [Henry] Woodward
with a hundred Virginians to his Support,
but before he had march’d out of Sight
Capt Bullet was arrivd wth about 50 men,
Lts [Joseph] Feint & [Larkin] Chew
the latter wounded thro the Arm in a half an Hour afterwards
arrivd Lt Mingies [Alexander Menzie] of the Virgin:
who belong’d to Capt Bulletts Party.
he had been posted in the Right at the Commencement of the Action
was repuls’d by the Enemy
to an Eminence
which he Maintaind
with great Bravery . . .
17 only surviving out of Thirty” (ibid., 315–17).
Also on the twenty-fifth
Lt. Col. Adam Stephen wrote to Stanwix from Bedford about Bullitt’s defeat, noting that Bullitt’s party consisted of 3 subalterns, 4 sergeants, 2 drummers, and 100 rank and file (ibid., 318–19).
The Courtmartial
George Mercer wrote a letter willing to believe Bullitt did not do well. George Mercer might have a prejudice against Bullitt. Bullitt had given a different account of the Friendly Fire debacle between Mercer and Washington in Nov 1758. Bullitt's version made Bullitt look good and made Washington look bad.
Robert Stewart alludes in his letter to GW of 28 Sept. to the talk in the army of Bullitt’s supposed cowardly performance in the May action,
but on 30 Nov. 1759
Col. William Byrd published in Hunter’s Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) a letter dated 26 Oct. 1759 and sent from Pittsburgh in which he stated that Gen. John Stanwix at Byrd’s request convened a court of inquiry to investigate Captain Bullitt’s conduct.
The court decided unanimously “that Captain Bullet behaved like a good Officer, and did every Thing in his Power to repulse the Enemy, and save the Convoy.”
.
See footnote 8 - https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/02-06-02-0186
And what if court trials allow evidence of other incidents?
You, the jury, should read how Bullitt saved the day at Fort Loudoun Winchester VA
Back to 25 March 1758.
A mere Lieutenant gets a copy of this letter from a Governor because he happens to be presiding at the center of a storm.
That storm?
It's the 400 Cherokee sitting right now at Winchester VA.
Lt Bullitt gets a copy of the letter from PA Governor William Denny who states peace has a good chance.
Pennsylvania believes it has a chance winning over the Delaware and the Shawnee and other Indians allied to the French.
They think those Indians will agree to separate from the French.
So, could you, Virginia Regiment, hold back the Cherokee from attacking them?
See how Bullitt handles this mission.
.
.
That's it.
That's our lead story.
There's always more.
Skip around.
Read bits and pieces.
Compiled and authored , 5/20/23, 5/21/23, 5/29/23, 5/30/23, 5/31/2023, 6/1/23, 6/2/23, 6/3/23, Colby Chew notes added 6/7/2023, Warm Springs Bath Co VA updated 6/12/2023,added Croghan and Mckee supply train 8/9/2023
Thomas Bullitt, like many men of the Virginia Regiment, was bigger than Daniel Boone who got Walt Disney "Stoking the star maker machinery Behind the popular song."
See the links on Bullitt's big life.
Table of Contents -
Saving the Day at Fort Loudoun from rightfully angry Cherokee allies
Letters between Washington and Bullitt
Short biographies
financial papers
Grant's Defeat Sept 1758
Friendly Fire Nov 1758
Fort Ligonier May 1759
Great Bridge Battle Dec 1775
Adjutant General Thomas Bullitt
Stories on Thomas Bullitt
Let us talk about the man
who got this land
and put on a lodge
before it became
the majesty of this place.
That's Omni Homestead. More on that later.
Cherokee Danger?
See how Bullitt is handed the job of preventing a Cherokee revolt at Fort Loudoun Winchester VA:
All correspondence
between George Washington and Thomas Bullitt:
His bio.
Thomas Bullitt financial papers
Where is Bullitt buried?
Gravesite in Charleston WV
Charleston WV
Thomas Bullitt surveyed a 1,030-acre tract that encompassed much of present downtown Charleston. Bullitt had been awarded the land for service in the French and Indian War.
He resigned his commission and retired to his house in Fauquier, where he died February, 1778, at the age of forty-eight years.
So he died in Fauquier County in Virginia, but no information on how he got to be buried in Charleston WV when it was still Virginia. We are given the why, but not the how or who or what got him moved to that final burial place.
Warm Springs in Bath County VA :
The county is named Bath, after the famous Roman baths in the town of Bath, England, just like Berkeley Springs WV was originally named after Bath, England.
Warm Springs is near Hot Springs where the Omni Homestead is.
Warm Springs is a small community and county seat in Bath County, which is located in the mountains of western Virginia close to the West Virginia border.
Still quite rural in character, the area is best known for the thermal springs for which it is named. The Warm Springs and West Warm Springs Historic District (DHR no. 008-5025) was listed in the NRHP in 2018; the Warm Springs Bath Houses are within the district boundaries.
The Homestead, a National Historic Landmark (NRHP 1984; NHL 1991; DHR no. 008-0025) is located in nearby Hot Springs and has been a popular resort since the 19th century. Tourism related to the county’s thermal springs continues to be the lynchpin in the local economy.
.. . the proprietor had laid out a town
and donated the public square
containing the springs
to the state in perpetuity.
At the Hot Springs,
brothers Thomas and Andrew Lewis
and their partner Thomas Bullitt
made an agreement in 1763
that access to the source
would “be free to all”
and that they would share
in the expense
of the building of the “bathhouses
[that] shall be erected…
and other necessary
and convenient houses
for the entertainment
of the sick persons who should choose to visit.”
They agreed that if they should decide, instead, to split their grant into two separate portions, as they did in 1766, the dividing line would go through the center of the spring and would continue to be free to access. [Footnote 29] The organization of the town at Warm Springs was similar
Footnote 29: Indenture between Thomas Bullitt and Thomas and Andrew Lewis, 1766, Chamberlayne Papers, Virginia Historical Society.
The first recorded survey of the area was done by Thomas and Andrew Lewis. Thomas Lewis and his son obtained 140 acres of the land, including the warm springs. Andrew Lewis was an early partner of Thomas Bullitt, who procured 300 acres including the hot springs and built the first hotel in 1766 on the site of The Omni Homestead Resort.
The original octagonal stone basin that held the water for bathing was built in 1761, establishing it as the first spa structure in America. Originally known as the Warm Springs Bath or the Great Bath, it was not covered by a bathhouse until the mid-1820s, at which point it was covered by a new octagonal frame building. A second structure, the Ladies’ Bathhouse, was built in the mid-1870s. The twenty-two-sided central portion stands on a circular stone wall that encloses the spring and pool. The top plate carries a faceted roof in which common rafters rise to support a central frame surrounding an oculus.
Sources:
updated 6/12/2023
OMNI HOMESTEAD
Omni Homestead:
Next time you visit this place, think of Thomas Bullitt
In 1766, Thomas Bullitt built a lodge on the site, which is considered the founding of The Homestead.
In 1832, Dr. Thomas Goode purchased the land from the Bullitt family and expanded the medical therapies, establishing a European style of spa treatment and hydrotherapy. It has hosted vacationers ever since, including twenty-three U.S. presidents.
.
Thomas Bullitt's Military Career
Those familiar with Bullitt County history are aware that Bullitt's Lick is named for Captain Thomas Bullitt, and the county is named for his nephew, Alexander Scott Bullitt.
Some may not be as familiar with the rest of Thomas Bullitt's life, particularly his military career.
The following information has been collected from numerous sources, and attempts to provide as complete a picture of his career as possible.
According to the National Archives' Founders Online web site,
Thomas Bullitt served as a cadet with George Washington at Fort Necessity in 1754 and shortly after the capitulation was commissioned an ensign, effective 22 July. During Braddock's expedition in 1755 he was assigned to George Mercer's company. Bullitt was among those promoted to lieutenant when Washington became colonel of the reorganized Virginia Regiment 20 Aug. 1755. He was first assigned to George Mercer's company in the Virginia Regiment and then in the spring of 1756 to Peter Hog's at Fort Dinwiddie. When Washington removed Hog from the command of his company in July 1757, he made Lieutenant Bullitt the acting captain. Bullitt served as captain lieutenant until the spring of 1758. At that time, Capt. Joshua Lewis resigned his captaincy, and at Washington's insistence Bullitt succeeded to it. As a captain in Col. William Byrd's 2d Virginia Regiment, Bullitt was commended in 1758 for his bravery at Col. James Grant's defeat before Fort Duquesne, and was criticized for his conduct when his company suffered heavy casualties near Fort Ligonier in 1759. After the war Bullitt was deeply involved in surveying western lands, and during the Revolution he served in the Continental Army, eventually reaching the rank of colonel.
Grant's Defeat Sept 1758
The following information regarding Captain Bullitt's bravery during Grant's defeat is transcribed from The History of Virginia from Its First Settlement to The Present Day by John Burk Volume III, Petersburg, Virginia, 1805, pages 231-233. Images of those pages are shown here.
At the commencement of the action major Lewis hastened with the principal part of the rear guard to the support of Grant, leaving behind him fifty Virginians with captain Bullet, for the defence of the baggage.
But their united efforts were unavailing to stop the progress of the enemy, who now confident of success left their concealment, and proceeded to finish with the tomahawk and scalping knife what had been left undone by the rifle.
A scene of brutal and ferocious cruelty immediately commenced, which the utmost efforts of the French were unable to put a stop to. Irritated by the fate of several of their countrymen during the battle, the Indians refused to give quarter and inhumanly butchered the English and provincials in the very act of surrender.
Major Grant, the author of all these misfortunes, had barely time to save his life by giving himself up to a French officer, who had the utmost difficulty in protecting him. The bloody tomahawk was uplifted to strike, and the angry glance of the savage demanded his victim; but the Frenchman insisted on his promise and the usages of civilized warfare.
The life of the gallant Lewis was exposed to greater and more imminent peril. He had been engaged for some time with an Indian whose repeated blows he had hitherto successfully parried. At length he was so fortunate as to extricate himself by the death of his enemy. But his place being immediately supplied by others, he retreated until he reached a French detachment to whose officer he surrendered himself.
An universal rout now took place, and carnage unresisted and marked by those shocking enormities which characterize Indian war. In this exigence Bullet, whose magnanimous spirit was equalled only by his foresight and collection, took immediate measures for saving the principal part of the baggage, and if possible the remains of the detachment. Having dispatched the most valuable part of the baggage with the strongest horses, he disposed the remainder at an advantageous point of the road, as a cover for his troops and rallied several of the fugitives as they came up. Aware, from the character of the enemy and their conduct during the engagement, that no quarter was to be expected, he embraced an expedient contrary to all the established laws of arms, and which under any other circumstances would have been wholly unjustifiable. Having animated the courage of his followers by a brief but expressive appeal to their character to and circumstances, he directed them to fire with precision until their enemies became too numerous, when on a signal given they were to march out with their arms as if demanding quarter.
Animated by his example, the troops literally followed the order of their leader, and as the Indians pressed on, a destructive fire unexpectedly openen from behind the baggage waggons, which checked their career and threw them into visible confusion; but their numbers increasing every moment, and apprehensive that they would attempt to get in his rear, Bullet held out the signal for capitulation. In a moment the detachment in a suppliant position and with their arms inverted, proceeded slowly towards the enemy, whose impatience would hardly permit them to wait the form of a surrender. Already the tomahawk was grasped for the purpose of vengeance, and the scalping knife thirsted to slake its fury in their blood when the terrible word charge was uttered by Bullet, and was repeated by the whole detachment; a most destructive volley at only eight yards distance announced the ready execution of this order, and before the enemy could recover from the astonishment and terror excited by this procedure, a furious onset with fixed bayonets effected a complete discomfiture and route. The Indians imagined from the fury of this onset that the whole army was at hand, and never stopt till they reached the French regulars.
Bullet having gained the respite wanted, and rightly judging that to attempt any thing offensively with his handful of men, wisely continued his retreat towards the main body, collecting as he proceeded the wounded and terrified regulars who, ignorant of the country, wandered up and down without food, and haunted by incessant terrors of the savages.
In this fatal action twenty one officers and two hundred and seventy three privates were either killed or taken. Of these the first Virginia regiment lost six officers and sixty-two privates; no other corps, the Highlanders excepted, suffered in the same proportion.
But great and serious as was the loss of men wantonly sacrificed by the rashness of their commander, it added another honourable wreath to the brow of Virginia prowess. The cool and steady valour of the provincials had a second time saved from certain destruction the regular troops. The merits of captain Bullet in particular were the theme of general and merited eulogy. Governor Fauquier who was an excellant judge of merit, was often in the habit of pronouncing the retreat of Loyal Hanning equal to any thing of its kind in history; and the appointment of Bullet to the rank of major would justify an opinion that his promotion was the reward of his conspicuous merit on this occasion.
reference to a soldier John Peter under Captain Bullitt
Capt Bullitt given job of transporting promised goods to Little Carpenter Feb 1761
Friendly Fire Nov 1758
This is the reason why Washington and George Mercer did not like Bullitt.
Bullitt's observations were different of the awful Friendly File debacle between George Washington's men and George Mercer's men.
GW said of himself as never being more in danger. GW said decades later, long after this war, long after the next war which was the Rev War, he felt at this moment, "never was in more imminent danger by being between two fires, knocking up with his sword the presented pieces.”
Bullitt's take is different:
An ancestor of Bullitt claims Bullitt was the first to notice the friendly fire debacle and used his hat to wave down the men firing.
Source:
George Mercer thought little of Bullitt:
Bullitt is immediately to appear before 12 & a President—as tis generally supposed poor Tom was intimidated (to use his own Word) when his Party was attacked—God knows whether he was or not but he made his Escape—with a Guard for his sacred Person, in a most precipitate Manner, consisting of about 60 of his Men—The Remainder were almost cut to Pieces—there were only 60 of the Enemy, and Bullitts Command consisted of 100 Rank & File—but he took Care of 60 of Them—21 or 22 of the remaining 40 were killed, & tho. they were so hotly engaged, Bullitt never returned to the Charge—notwithstanding the most earnest Entreaties of his Men—Thus the Story is told by the two Officers whom Bullitt left in the Scrape—I hope it will turn out better, but I always supposed Bullitt more capable of being commanded, than commanding—I have thought him brave—but this Tale tells badly.8
Captain Robert Stewart of the Light horse
hoped this May 1759 battle would not make the Virginia Regiment look ridiculous.
They also did not like Bullitt later
when he sided with Adam Stephen on going after the same land promised by Dinwiddie's Proclamation of 1754.
See more on the Friendly Fire Incident:
Overview
Friendly Fire - Where did it happen?
Friendly Fire - Who found the French first?
Friendly Fire Bad - Prisoner Good!
Fort Ligonier May 1759
Regarding the criticism for Bullitt's conduct when his company suffered heavy casualties near Fort Ligonier in 1759, there are several bits of information.
Lieutenant Colonel George Mercer, in a letter to George Washington dated 16 Sep 1759, was of the opinion that Bullitt had behaved badly, and would face a court martial. He wrote:
"Bullitt is immediately to appear before 12 & a President—as tis generally supposed poor Tom was intimidated (to use his own Word) when his Party was attacked—God knows whether he was or not but he made his Escape—with a Guard for his sacred Person, in a most precipitate Manner, consisting of about 60 of his Men—The Remainder were almost cut to Pieces—there were only 60 of the Enemy, and Bullitts Command consisted of 100 Rank & File—but he took Care of 60 of Them—21 or 22 of the remaining 40 were killed, & tho. they were so hotly engaged, Bullitt never returned to the Charge—notwithstanding the most earnest Entreaties of his Men—Thus the Story is told by the two Officers whom Bullitt left in the Scrape—I hope it will turn out better, but I always supposed Bullitt more capable of being commanded, than commanding—I have thought him brave—but this Tale tells badly."
A footnote on that same page provided the following information:
"Right after the event, Lt. Col. Thomas Lloyd wrote General Stanwix from Fort Ligonier on 23 May:'Captain Bullet on his March from Bedford with a Convoy of Fifteen Waggons and Fifteen Thousand Weight of Pork, his Party consisting off one Hundred Virginians was this Day defeated within Four Miles of Ligonier by a Party off the Enemy. Five of the Waggons were burn't all the Horses kiled or taken. This happen'd about three in the Afternoon at a Time when the most violent Tornado of Rain Thunder & Lightning that I ever experiencd.'
Bullitt estimated that there were 150 Indians in the attack, and Lloyd reported that Lt. Larkin Chew of the Virginians was badly wounded in the arm and that 36 soldiers were missing, 8 of whom were found dead on the field. On 25 May, Lloyd wrote from Ligonier giving further details to Stanwix: 'Capt Bullet was attackd by the Enemy at about 3 Miles Distance from this Place. The Virginia Gazette, Friday, 30 Nov 1759 "I orderd Capt Woodward with a hundred Virginians to his Support, but before he had march'd out of Sight Capt Bullet was arrivd wth about 50 men, Lts Feint & Chew the latter wounded thro the Arm in a half an Hour afterwards arrivd Lt Mingies [Alexander Menzie] of the Virgin who belong'd to Capt Bulletts Party. he had been posted in the Right at the Commencement of the Action was repuls'd by the Enemy to an Eminence which he Maintaind with great Bravery. "
Robert Stewart alludes in his letter to Washington of 28 Sept. to the talk in the army of Bullitt's supposed cowardly performance in the May action, but
on 30 Nov 1759 Col. William Byrd published in Hunter's Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) a letter dated 26 Oct 1759 and sent from Pittsburgh in which he stated that Gen. John Stanwix at Byrd's request convened a court of inquiry to investigate Captain Bullitt's conduct. The court decided unanimously 'that Captain Bullet behaved like a good Officer, and did every Thing in his Power to repulse the Enemy, and save the Convoy.'"
Thus it appears that, while this was likely not Captain Bullitt's best performance, his superior officers judged him innocent of the charges.
Great Bridge Battle Dec 1775
The Committee selected Woodford over Patrick Henry, Virginia’s commander in chief and commander of the 1st Virginia Regiment because of Woodford’s previous combat experience. In addition to the field-grade officers named above, the Committee sent Lt. Col. Thomas Bullitt, Virginia’s adjutant general, who served as Woodford’s engineer.
Wth the beginning of the American Revolution, he was appointed adjutant-general of the southern district with the rank and pay of a colonel. His first services after this appointment were in the lower parts of Virginia.
Lord Dunmore had taken possession of a post called the Great Bridge,
which lay at some miles distance from Norfolk and was a pass of great consequence. American forces under the command of Colonel William Woodford, assisted by Bullitt, set up fortifications on the other side of the bridge. On 9 Dec 1775, British forces attempted to cross the bridge and dislodge the Americans.
With Woodford apparently absent from the scene,
Colonel Bullitt took command of the American forces,
and successfully repulsed the British.
Following this action, the Americans gained control of this important bridge.
According to his nephew, Colonel Bullitt was later detached to South Carolina, where he served the campaign of 1776 as adjutant-general to the army commanded by General Lee. This was his last campaign.
He resigned his commission and retired to his house in Fauquier, where he died February, 1778, at the age of forty-eight years.
Adjutant General Thomas Bullitt
According to an undated written sketch found in the papers of Alexander Scott Bullitt upon his death in 1816, as reported in volume 1 of the History of the Ohio Falls Cities and Their Counties, his uncle,
Thomas Bullitt was appointed adjutant-general of the Virginia militia following the French and Indian War.
Wth the beginning of the American Revolution, he was appointed adjutant-general of the southern district with the rank and pay of a colonel. His first services after this appointment were in the lower parts of Virginia.
Lord Dunmore had taken possession of a post called the Great Bridge,
which lay at some miles distance from Norfolk and was a pass of great consequence. American forces under the command of Colonel William Woodford, assisted by Bullitt, set up fortifications on the other side of the bridge. On 9 Dec 1775, British forces attempted to cross the bridge and dislodge the Americans.
With Woodford apparently absent from the scene,
Colonel Bullitt took command of the American forces,
and successfully repulsed the British.
Following this action, the Americans gained control of this important bridge.
According to his nephew, Colonel Bullitt was later detached to South Carolina, where he served the campaign of 1776 as adjutant-general to the army commanded by General Lee. This was his last campaign.
He resigned his commission and retired to his house in Fauquier, where he died February, 1778, at the age of forty-eight years.
Bullitt County Museum
If you, the reader, have an interest in any particular part of our county history, and wish to contribute to this effort, use the form on our
Contact Us page to send us your comments about this, or any Bullitt County History page. We welcome your comments and suggestions. If you feel that we have misspoken at any point, please feel free to point this out to us.
The Bullitt County History Museum, a service of the Bullitt County Genealogical Society, is located in the county courthouse at 300 South Buckman Street (Highway 61) in Shepherdsville, Kentucky. The museum, along with its research room, is open 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday; and from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. on Thursday. Admission is free. The museum, as part of the Bullitt County Genealogical Society, is a 501(c)3 tax exempt organization and is classified as a 509(a)2 public charity. Contributions and bequests are deductible under section 2055, 2106, or 2522 of the Internal Revenue Code. Page last modified: 27 Jan 2021 .
.
.
Colby Chew
Colby Chew, an Ensign of the Virginia Regiment, is looking right this minute at Fort Duquesne.
From the other side of the river they stood. He and the Cherokee were looking from a ridge high above the river. This occurred around 16 Aug 1758. This little war party left 7 Aug 1758 for this destination.
He dies a month later right over there across the river near the fort. He probably wasn't wearing his necklace. He died as part of Grant's failure attacking Fort Duquesne 14 Sept 1758.
.
Source of this story:
.
We have a list of unorganized notes further below on his brothers. Thomas and Larkin were 2 brothers. Another brother was Joseph Chew who appears to be wealthy and not living on the frontier, and who has much correspondence with George Washington.
Added 6/7/2023
NOTES for further followup:
Another man, Chew
Two Larkin Chews
.
One of the most extensive dealers in land in Spotsylvania was Larkin Chew who secured a patent for a large tract and later broke it up into many small holdings which were sold to new settlers.
.
.
Sergeant Scot (mentiond in a late Letter)2 this day returnd. He, when within 2 Miles of Fort Duquesne came upon a few fresh Tracts making Inwards which he followd, apprehending that they were just at hand, till his Provision’s were expended; and was thereby obligd to return without making any discoveries worth mentioning—I am glad Mr Chew & Mr Allan3 has been able to give you Accts so agreable.
3. When revising his letter book, GW inserted “of my Regiment have” after “Mr Chew and Mr Allan.”
Orders, 18 September 1755
1. GW promoted Ens. Mordecai Buckner, “Quarter Master of the Virginia Regiment” (GW to Buckner, 16 Dec. 1755; Orders, 17 Sept. 1755), to lieutenant in July 1756 and transferred him from Joshua Lewis’s company to Thomas Cocke’s. Buckner continued in the regiment after GW’s resignation in 1758 and eventually reached the rank of captain. GW’s last public contact with Buckner came in late Jan. 1777 when as commander in chief of the army GW refused Buckner’s request that he be allowed to resign from the army rather than face charges of cowardice as colonel of the 6th Virginia Regiment. Cashiered in February, Buckner returned to Spotsylvania County and died there in 1788, leaving as orphans two minor sons whose mother had been the sister of another former officer of GW’s 1st Virginia Regiment, Larkin Chew.
Colonel Thomas Chew
(1702 - 1782)
.
.
To George Washington from Joseph Chew, 4 March 1756
Joseph Chew (b. 1720), son of Thomas and Martha Taylor Chew of Spotsylvania County in Virginia, immigrated before 1750 to New London where he became a merchant and port surveyor. During the Revolution he chose the loyalist side and moved to Canada. His brother Colby served as a volunteer in Virginia’s unsuccessful Sandy Creek expedition against the Shawnee in 1756, and in 1757–58 he was an ensign in GW’s Virginia Regiment. Another brother, Larkin Chew, joined the 2d Virginia Regiment commanded by Col. William Byrd III in 1758.
.
.
.
From James Madison to Joseph Chew, 29 February 1792
.
4. Mr. Chew probably was Ens. Colby Chew of the 1st Virginia Regiment though it may have been his younger brother Larkin Chew, who became an ensign in the 2d Virginia Regiment. See Joseph Chew to GW, 10 May 1758. GW sent young Billy Fairfax £50 which his brother Bryan Fairfax repaid in 1761, a year and a half after Billy’s death on the Plains of Abraham (General Ledger A, folio 50).
.
.
.
.
2 White Guy Active Shooters disguised as Indian
Cherokee Conjurers right near Fort Duquesne
Instead it was one Colby Chew, an Ensign of the Virginia Regiment looking right this minute at them. From the other side of the river they stood. He and the Cherokee were looking from a ridge high above the river. This occurred around 16 Aug 1758. This little war party left 7 Aug 1758 for this destination.
To George Washington from Joseph Chew, 10 March 1774
2. Ens. Colby Chew of GW’s Virginia Regiment was killed in September 1758 in a skirmish near Fort Duquesne. Sir William Johnson’s letter to Dunmore is also dated 10 Mar. (Johnson Papers, 8:1073–74). Before GW wrote him the bad news on 25 Sept., Edmund Pendleton wrote Chew: “I last month received a letter from our friend Colonel [James] Maddison accompanying letters to the Governor and Colonel Washington to procure a Warrant for the lands you, as heir to your brother Colby, was intitled to under the Royal Proclamation of 1763; I backed them with my best endeavours to procure a Warrant, but to no purpose, the Governor informed me his Instructions were so positive he could not dispence with your Personal Application, and that you must bring with you a Certificate from the Governor in whose Province you live, that you had not obtained your lands there, and then you should have them” (Mays, Pendleton Papers, 1:92–96). No letter from James Madison, Sr., to GW in support of Chew’s claims has been found.
To George Washington from Joseph Chew, 14 March 1757
From Joseph Chew New York March 14th 1757 Dear Sir I arrived here from New London a few days agoe and hearing you was at Philadelphia trouble you with this, and Capt. Mercer with the inclosed. I hope and Flater my Self my Lord Loudoun will Concert such Plans as will Effectually Secure our Frontiers and distress the Enemy, and that he will do that for you which you have so justly merrited and let your Command be Equal to your deserts. I am sure I can with truth say I know of none who has done so much for their Country, and been so little noticed and as yet so Poorly Rewarded—however hope soon to hear it is done to your Satisfaction—our New England Herowism seems to be mostly at an End. I have a Brother who has acted as under Commissry for Mr Walker at Winchester he is young and I hope of a good Disposition. I trouble you with the inclosed for him and Pray the favour of you to show him any Countenance his Situation may admit of; and give him on my Accot any Friendly advice you think Proper. I hope he himself will be greatfull, and I assure you I Shall Ever be so, indeed I make no doubt but you will Receive a satisfaction in showing Favour to a Poor youth whose Fathers bad œconomy has turn’d into the world to shift for himself, but this subject would be only troubling you with Mallencholly Scenes you have no Connection with.1 I am now at Mr Robinsons, he Mrs Robinson and his Dear Little Family are all well they desire their Compliments to you. Pretty Miss Polly is in the same Condition & situation as you saw her2—my best Respects to Capt. Mercer & Stuart accept the same and my most sencere wishes for your welfare and happiness and be assured that I am Dear Sir Your most Obedt Servt Jos. Chew ALS, DLC:GW. Joseph Chew, a merchant in New London, Conn., and a native of Virginia, corresponded with GW fairly frequently during these years. 1. Colby Chew was associated with Thomas Walker as early as 1750 when Walker led his expedition into the Kentucky territory. GW made Colby Chew an ensign in the Virginia Regiment in October 1757. 2. GW stayed with Beverley Robinson and his family in New York on his journey to and from Boston to see William Shirley early in 1756. It was then that GW paid some attention to “Pretty Miss Polly” (Mary Eliza Philipse, 1730–1825).
From George Washington to William Henry Fairfax, 23 April 1758
To William Henry Fairfax Fort Loudoun 23d of April 1758. Dear Sir I shoud have been greatly puzzled to have found an excuse for my silence if I had ever receivd any of those many favours Captn Stewart tells me you were kind enough to intend for me. I assure you Sir, no pleasure woud greatly have exceeded that arising from the receipt of your Letters but I never had the satisfaction of getting more than one, and that just containd an Account of your Reception and resolution of entering a Volunteer in the 44th Regiment upon which I had determind to write to Colo. Gage in your favour when I heard you had purchasd in Brags.1 I never got a Line from Captn Stewart during his absence thô he several times wrote to me such villainous usage does Letters meet with from People who are impertinently inquisitive.2 This Colony have voted 2000 Men for the Expedition to be Commanded by General Forbes, besides Militia to protect their Frontiers. Already have 700 Indians marchd to this place, and other Parties of them daily expected; so that without some signal Interposition of Providence against us, we have I think, no great Reason to despair of Success. I hope Sir, if it shoud ever lye in my power to serve you here, or elsewhere in any shape whatever, you will freely Command me; for be assurd I don’t offer my Services as an unmeaning compliment only, I am sincerely disposd to do you every kindness that may lye in my power, being very truely.3 Captn Stewart informing me that you had not met with regular remittances from Colo. Carlyle (which I suppose may be attributed to miscariage of Letters) I have taken the liberty of sending you by Mr Chew, and to the care of Beverley Robinson Esqr. a small sum to clear Quarters with, knowing the impossibility of your living upon your Pay. I beg, that you will put yourself to no kind of inconvenience to ⟨return the money, to have⟩ it Seven years hence will suit my purposes as well as the present time.4 I am with most sincere esteem Dr Sir Yr affecte Hble Servt Go: Washington ALS, PPRF. It should be noted that GW ordinarily did not make and retain copies of personal letters to friends. See GW to William Peachey, 18 Sept. 1757, and notes. 1. Philip Bragg was colonel of the British 28th Regiment of Foot from 1734 to 1759. GW is referring to William Henry Fairfax’s letter of 9 Dec. 1757. 2. Capt. Robert Stewart of the Virginia Regiment on 16 Dec. 1757 left Fort Loudoun, where he had been senior officer since GW’s departure on 9 Nov., and traveled to Pennsylvania and New York in order to talk to John Stanwix, Lord Loudoun, John Forbes, James Abercromby, and other senior army officers about obtaining a commission in the British army. Forbes wrote Abercromby on 20 April: “You will see that Capt Steuart wants very much to have the Commission given him, that Sir john [St. Clair] tells me he had spoke off to you, and had recommended it with great sincerity. He says it was a Lieutcy in order that he might not be left without bread, upon a peace—” (James, Writings of Forbes, 65–66). His appointment to a lieutenancy in the Royal American Regiment on 7 Jan. 1759 by no means satisfied Stewart (see Stewart to GW, 16 Jan. 1759, and subsequent letters). 3. GW appears to have attempted to erase the last three words. 4. Mr. Chew probably was Ens. Colby Chew of the 1st Virginia Regiment though it may have been his younger brother Larkin Chew, who became an ensign in the 2d Virginia Regiment. See Joseph Chew to GW, 10 May 1758. GW sent young Billy Fairfax £50 which his brother Bryan Fairfax repaid in 1761, a year and a half after Billy’s death on the Plains of Abraham (General Ledger A, folio 50).
To George Washington from Colby Chew, 22 August 1758
From Colby Chew Rays Town Augst 22d 1758 Sir As I think it my duty to Report any thing to you that is Extraordenary I take the Fredom to Inclose you a Journald1 that I kept from the time I Reced my Orders tell I Returnd, Which is as Exact a one as the place Would Permit of pray Excuse my Freedom and believe me to be Dr Colo. your most Obt Servt Coleby Chew ALS, DLC:GW. Lt. Colby (Coleby) Chew of the 1st Virginia Regiment was killed in Major James Grant’s raid near Fort Duquesne on 14 Sept. 1758. 1. Colby Chew gave GW and Bouquet virtually identical versions of his journal, which begins: “Monday August the 7th 1758 I Set of from Rays Town by order of Colo. Bouquet With a party of indians & White men to make What Discoverys I could of the Strenth & Situation of the Enemy to the Westward” (DLC:GW). On Wednesday, 16 Aug., all but Chew, Sgt. Andrew Vaughan, and five Indians returned, but these then pushed on to within a mile of Fort Duquesne: “from the top of this Ridge I had an extraordinary good View as it was considerbly higher than the F[ort] & scarce half mile Distant from it. there were fifty or sixty tents pitched on the Ohio abt 100 yards from the Fort & there are several houses on Monongahala. there were Neither Cannoes nor Batteaus in this that I Could percieve, nor Could I Discover any New Works abt the fort. . . . from What I saw I do not judge that they have above 300 Frenchmen. . . . After Dark the Indians got to Singing & Dancing from their noise I judge them to be Abt fifty in Number all which the Cherokees told me were Shawnese[.] As I have taken a plan of the place & Fort as well as I could upon a separate paper. I shall make no mention of it here.” On Saturday the nineteenth Chew and his party returned to Maj. George Armstrong’s camp on Drounding Creek just after Ens. John Allen of the Virginia forces had returned with his party from a similar mission. Chew’s journal is printed in full in Stevens, Bouquet Papers, 2:400–404, and Allen’s journal is printed on pp. 324–26. The mileage in Chew’s entry for Tuesday, 15 Aug., is different in DLC from that in the Bouquet Papers: 3 miles in GW’s copy is 8 miles in the Papers and 12 miles is 42 miles in the Papers. Otherwise the differences are minimal. There is also a copy of the journal, probably sent to John Forbes, in the Dalhousie Muniments, Scottish Record Office. The plan, or map, that Chew sketched while on his reconnaissance accompanies the copies of the journal both at DLC and the Scottish Record Office; the DLC copy is not as complete but is more legible.
.
.
.
.
.
Records of transfers of land tend to substantiate this testimony, by showing that the average holdings at all times in the Eighteenth century were comparatively small. In the years from 1722 to 1729 Spotsylvania was a new county, just opened to settlers, and a large part of its area had been granted in large tracts to wealthy patentees. Yet the deed book for these years shows that it was actually settled, not by these men themselves, but by a large number of poor planters. Of the 197 transfers of land recorded, 44 were for 100 acres or less and 110 for 300 acres or less. The average deed was for 487 acres. As some of the transfers were obviously made for speculative purposes and not with the intent of putting the land under cultivation, even this figure is misleading. The average farm during the period was probably not in excess of 400 acres. One of the most extensive dealers in land in Spotsylvania was Larkin Chew who secured a patent for a large tract and later broke it up into many small holdings which were sold to new settlers.[8-49]
This substitution of the small slave holder for the man who used only his own labor in the cultivation of his land unquestionably saved the class of small proprietors from destruction. Without it all would have been compelled to give up their holdings in order to seek their fortunes elsewhere, or sink to the condition of "poor white trash." Yet the movement was in many ways unfortunate. It made the poor man less industrious[155] and thrifty. Formerly he had known that he could win nothing except by the sweat of his brow, but now he was inclined to let the negro do the work. Slavery cast a stigma upon labor which proved almost as harmful to the poor white man as did negro competition. Work in the tobacco fields was recognized as distinctly the task of an inferior race, a task not in keeping with the dignity of freemen.
Jefferson states that few indeed of the slave owners were ever seen to work. "For in a warm climate," he adds, "no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him."[8-50] Chastellux noted the same tendency, declaring "that the indolence and dissipation of the middling and lower classes of white inhabitants of Virginia is such as to give pain to every reflecting mind."[8-51]
Slavery developed in the small farmers a spirit of pride and haughtiness that was unknown to them in the Seventeenth century. Every man, no matter how poor, was surrounded by those to whom he felt himself superior, and this gave him a certain self-esteem.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
